Egypt and Beyond: Africa and the movement for global democracy

I never watch CNN. But during my 10-hour layover at JFK on my way to Dakar, there’s no escaping it. At every gate one or several TV screens point down at the lethargic crowd, blaring the same loop of footage: throngs of bodies filling the streets of Cairo, Alexandria, Port Said and other Egyptian cities. With commentators repeatedly describing the events as a “pro-democracy movement” it seems fitting to take a moment to highlight the growing strength of African social movements for genuine democracy, many of which are represented at this year’s World Social Forum, happening now in Dakar, Senegal.

The millions of Egyptians—a veritable cross-section of society—struggling for democratic freedoms warrant our global solidarity. But the mainstream media coverage has also crafted a very particular narrative of the Egyptian experience that says as much, if not more, about the West’s conception of democracy and justice. Per the neoliberal, even the neo-conservative script, Egypt’s is a people yearning for freedom from tyrannical government. But history has shown, of course, that democratization—defined in terms of civil and political rights like freedom of the press and the right to vote—does not in and of itself ensure a better quality of life for the majority.

The transition from dictatorship to democracy in many African and Latin American countries in the 1980s and 90s occurred in tandem with Structural Adjustment Policies that axed public support for education, health and agriculture. Labor unions, barriers to cheap imports and laws regulating foreign investment were also dismantled, so that societies had little protection from the ravages of global capital. As a result, social inequality skyrocketed, urban slums and unemployment exploded, and rural communities disintegrated—factors that, despite newfound democratic freedoms, impeded peoples’ ability to participate as full citizens.

What today’s progressive social movements increasingly have in common, particularly in the global South, is a broad recognition of the anti-democratic nature of neoliberal globalization. In other words, the more their countries have become dependent on outside resources—be it trade, aid or foreign investment—the less responsive their governments have become to the people. In Egypt, structural dependence runs deep. The country has been the second largest recipient of U.S. food and military aid (after Israel) for decades. As Egypt is far from being the “neediest” nation, this statistic speaks volumes, reminding us that “aid” (and trade) is always political. The anti-democratic effect of U.S. aid in Egypt has not been lost on protestors. Reporting from Cairo, Ahmed Shawki describes crowds chanting: “Mubarak, you coward, you’re a slave of the U.S.”

Indeed, the African struggle for democracy is inseparable from the struggle for sovereignty, one that is necessarily tied to the legacy of colonialism and neo-colonialism. The eleventh-annual World Social Forum (WSF)—set meaningfully in Africa—highlights this history with a number of special activities on the Island of Gorée, just outside the port-city of Dakar, Senegal, where over a million African slaves passed through during the 17th and 18th centuries on their way to America. This violent appropriation of African resources (human and natural) subsidized the development of the U.S. and European industrial economies, leaving Africa fragmented and dependent. Neoliberal amnesia has de-politicized the modern global economy by de-linking it from this early instance of globalization. The Dakar WSF is highlighting decolonization as an incomplete historical process and the importance of restoring collective memory in order to create a more just and democratic economy.

The main focus of the 2011 Forum’s nearly 1,000 scheduled workshops and activities is on Africa’s place in the world and in the global economic crisis. In the last few years for instance, the continent has seen a rush of unregulated investments in African lands and resources, threatening the livelihoods of millions of peasant families. This is thus a critical moment for African movements to converge and share their experiences, resistance strategies, and practical alternatives. On opening day 50,000 people representing groups of women, peasants, indigenous people, journalists, human rights advocates and sustainable development practitioners (among others) filled the streets of Dakar. They marched to the site of the World Social Forum, the campus of Cheikh Anta Diop University (UCAD). With a student population of 80,000, UCAD brings a strong youth dynamic to this year’s Forum.

As we stand in solidarity with the Egyptian people, let us also stand in solidarity with all African movements for genuine democracy, and the creation of real alternatives to neoliberal globalization. The struggle is not only against tyrannical or corrupt governments, but for the creation of accountable government at all levels, and for the local control of resources and development.