Why Cubans Eat Organic: Alternative paths to sustainable food

There is no denying it. The U.S. food movement is abuzz with energy—from urban agriculture to CSAs, Food Policy Councils and school lunch programs. But a key question for our movement is how to scale-up our successes so that everyone, not just the affluent or those served by isolated projects or non-profits, has access to healthy food. One of the biggest challenges is the lack of political will at the federal level to make the necessary changes in our subsidy structures, agricultural research and energy policies. While there is an increasing debate over “access” to healthy food, particularly for the urban poor, the fact remains that in the U.S., eating organic is a question of class. Cuba offers an interesting, if imperfect, alternative.

In Cuba, local, organic produce is sold at an affordable price, accessible by all. How is this possible? In contrast to the U.S. where organic and conventional produce compete in the open market, the Cuban government explicitly supports organic production and consumption. This stands in stark contrast to the U.S. model of consumer-driven change, a “vote with your fork” philosophy that has unfortunately disenfranchised the poorest among us. But Cuba’s food system is far from perfect, and many fear that the top-down model lacks the grassroots support needed to survive future political and economic changes.

If we view healthy, culturally appropriate, sustainable food as a human right, we need a veritable democratization of our food system, not just top-down or market-led change.

After the fall of the Soviet Union and the U.S. embargo on trade, Cuba entered what it now calls its “Special Period”: a hunger-ridden transition away from an import and oil-dependent industrial economy Without these Soviet-supplied inputs, Cuba had to create a national food system which reduced petroleum and chemical use at all levels, from farm machinery to pesticides and herbicides to transport from the rural to urban areas. Thus, Cuba’s current food system is one in which almost all production and processing is organic and urban gardening is widespread. In addition, the high fuel costs associated with livestock means that animal products are scarce. So if most Cuban meals are vegan or vegetarian, it is not (necessarily) out of political or moral objection to meat eating, but rather out of necessity.

Each Cuban citizen is given a “Libreta de Abastecimiento,” or supplies booklet, by the government that stipulates the quantities of each food and other goods that a person may purchase each month. These quantities relate to the size of each family and the age of its individual members, while also accounting for the limited supply of higher demand goods and those that are resource-intensive. However, this forms only part of their food access. Recent policies have opened private markets for agricultural producers allowing farmers to sell produce directly to consumers.

Cubans enjoy access to a strong organic agriculture system that varies in scale from large rural farms to small, urban community gardens. In the capital city of Havana, urban agriculture in the form of private gardens, state-owned “organopónicos,” and “huertos populares” (popular gardens), provide over half the city’s fresh produce. These trends were greatly encouraged by the liberalization policies implemented by the government in the 1990s, particularly the allowance of open “agricultural markets.” These enabled farmers to sell their produce directly to consumers in a government sanctioned space, in an attempt to combat the pervasive black market in food. Government support of these farmers markets allowed improved access of urban residents to quality produce and at a price that supported organic production for the farmers.

By contrast, in the U.S. industrial monocultures and input-intensive food production dominate. But this system is seeing increasing opposition as awareness about the environmental and social impacts grows. While progressive U.S. groups are promoting innovative solutions to food insecurity—and movements for food justice are picking up speed—the dominant discourse around food system change remains grounded in a “vote with your fork” philosophy. This route to food system change places the emphasis on consumer behavior to transform the system through gradual market shifts. Although a far cry from the top-down change seen in Cuba, “vote with your fork” is not exactly grassroots either. Whether this “middle-up” movement can lead to substantive structural change remains to be seen. Certainly, it has led to a growth in niche markets for organic products, but does this merely create a new kind of food apartheid in which the vast majority still cannot afford organic food? The U.S. food movement is grappling with this important question.

In Cuba, there is a growing discussion of the fate of the Cuban food system. What will happen, for instance, if Raul Castro allows for increased privatization or if the U.S. lifts the embargo that has limited imports of oil and synthetic chemicals. Since Cuba’s food system transformation did not necessarily emerge from the will of the people, can the system of small-scale, local, and organic production survive? If given the choice, will Cuban consumers continue to choose organic food?

There is a stark difference between the U.S. model of consumer-driven, market-led change and the Cuban model of State-mandated, State-supported change. But might we envision a third way? Might this third way be grounded in the grassroots energy and innovations of our food movement, with the support of government policies? If we view healthy, culturally appropriate, sustainable food as a human right, we need a veritable democratization of our food system, not just top-down or market-led change.

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